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Music to our ears, it came
out of the blue: a sudden eruption of direct action on the motorways and around
the oil refineries in Scotland, Wales and England by truckers and small farmers
in early September 2000. It came out of the blues as well: after the I990s, the
worst years these islands had experienced in centuries on the industrial
strike/urban rioting front, finally something was happening. That “something”
which people everywhere felt in their own perception of what was happening
also tended to change the shifting character of this raw protest A welcome drift
was taking place. Its strength was that it took everyone by surprise. The State
didn’t have time to get its act together, the police let it happen whilst the
oil companies hoped to take advantage of the actions.
Various
Leftists have tried to make comparisons of the police attitude during the
miners’ strike and their laisser-faire attitude during the fuel blockades.
They stupidly forgot that Thatcher had prepared the police for the miners strike
several years beforehand, whereas the government this time round were caught
completely off guard. In the absence of any clear commands from Straw and Balir,
local cops, preferring an easy life, just let it happen. “Well, the cops in
France don’t intervene, so why should we”, they thought, perhaps. (In fact,
the French cops often do get heavy, on
at least one occasion threatening blockaders with guns pointed at their heads,
but British propaganda never mentions this).
Many
of the poor supported this movement not because they really cared about the
price of fuel (although they certainly cared about the knock-on effect of high
fuel prices) but because it was an attack on the misery of normality: though the
blockaders hadn’t really intended
it, the commodity economy virtually came to a standstill. Whilst many of the
less ideologically befuddled poor supported this movement, it was left to the
professional middle-class to denounce the blockaders (most of whom earned
peanuts compared to these well. paid professional liars) as “greedy” and
“voracious”. Endlessly repeating this inversion of the facts, however, may
well have the desired effect of undermining support for the next round of
protest. During the miners’ strike, occasionally miners would sneer at
Scargill for “driving up to Orgreave in his chauffeur-driven car and getting
himself arrested” - but they weren’t very public about such criticisms.
Probably there are a few protestors privately cursing the Land Rover/BMW/Merc-driving
bosses who made up 20% of the blockaders, but unless they are public about such
class antagonism people will get a clear impression of a harmony of interests
and radical support will evaporate. As for those anarchists and ultra-leftists
who denounced the whole thing because it was a “cross class alliance”,
strange that they fail to point this contradiction out when they get involved in
Reclaim the Streets. Perhaps it’s because they hope that RTS will provide them
with fertile ground for recruits to anarchist ideology, whereas the fuel
protests entailed looking at things afresh, not so simplistically. And wasn’t
the Poll Tax movement also a cross class alliance? Any anarchist who’d have
used such an argument at that time as an excuse to not get stuck in would have
been dismissed as an arrogant twat. But now, after 10 years of relentless
counter-revolution, so-called revolutionaries, like much of the rest of the
population, are so entrenched in their petrified ideas that they are incapable
of recognising the complexities of something new even if it jumped down their
throats.
It didn’t fit into existing categories and that
disturbed all those who love socially descriptive paradigms from where one can
hurl abuse: “petit bourgeois
entrepeneurs “, “small business
people “, “anti-ecology
numbskulls” etc. Really though, it was more than abuse that was delivered
by all the leftist/liberal news media; it was downright rubbishing. They were
either right wing French Poujadists - the fascist inspired small shopkeepers and
what have you - from the mid-50s or. like the Chilean truckers who helped topple
Allende bringing in the military dictatorship of Pinochet. Essentially, they
were thick, stupid, St Georges’ flag-waving, asylum-baiting, anti-union,
greedy, planet-polluting animals - no more notoriously illustrated than by The Guardians pet leftist, Steve Bell, the cartoonist who got his
spurs satirising Thatcher and Major’s
Tory years. The traditionally right wing press did support the protestors - the Daily
Mail, Daily Express, Daily Telegraph., The Times, and Sun
after having slammed the French actions of the previous week as typical
gallic excesses well in need of another Waterloo-style trouncing, actions which
were later the inspiration for what happened here.. There was a lot of typical
opportunism here though because they got decidedly more nervous in their support
of their “this England” interpretation
of the rebellion once events threatened to get out of hand. And by November, all
the official right-wingers (newspapers, the Tory Party, etc.) were completely
down on the direct action. Scared by the potential power of inspiration that the
blockaders could have sparked off, they all rushed in to emphasise that things
could only be changed by the ballot box.
Behind
the rubbishing though there was an old familiar theme in English society: people
who work with their hands are among the lowest of the low only doing such jobs
because they don’t possess the intelligence to do any other. It’s not an
attitude so common in France, America or Germany. Here, it’s still a marker of
the incredible class prejudice and rigid division of labour which remains: even
if you’ve managed to make enough dosh to purchase your own rig and climbed up
the scale a bit to the status of “small
businessman” you’re still
nothing but a “counter jumper”. Big
deal!
If
one can say one thing about the last 10 years of effective social peace (with
strikes in 1998 the lowest since records began, even lower than 1995, also the
lowest, up till then, since records began) it is that there’s been a vast
intensification of ignorance and indifference amonst the working class and the
poor about how miserable and precarious are the lives of those outside of their
immediate ever narrowing circle. At the height of the information revolution
people have never been so uninformed: they can answer endless questions in pub
quizzes but know nothing of their neighbours. Hence all the rubbishing
propaganda about rich lorry drivers and farmers (sure, there are some, but then
20% of Jews in Weimar Germany were rich) falls on receptive ears, whereas during
the Winter of Discontent, the stigmatisation of strikers as ‘greedy’ largely
fell on deaf ears. At that time, workers recognised their individual
self-interest as inseparable from their collective class interest, and those who
condemned them in the name of ‘society’ were generally the most narrowly
individualistic. Nowadays the victory of this upside down world makes many of
the poor think that their self-interest is diametrically opposed to their self-organised
class interest, resentful of those who try to overturn this topsy-turvy
perception. A good example of this lack of interest, in all senses of the word,
was the increasing ignorance, aided by 60 days of non-stop propaganda, about the
lives of truckers and farmers. Truckers became reduced to their stereotype: indifferent killers of cyclists and pedestrians;
farmers got reduced to their
stereotype: greedy GMO-planting, BSE-nurturing money-mad Gypsy-killers. But as
with all stereotypes, they are
representative of only a minority, though every farmer and trucker gets tarred
with the same brush.
However, let’s stand back and look at a few hard - very
hard - facts. The enormous defeat of the working class here and crucially
the destruction of the miners in ‘84/’85 among the bitter and often violent
disputes of the 80’s, including urban insurrections, was to have a huge
international ramification. Monetarism in its Thatcherite version became the
model for capitalist development worldwide. The success in defeating working
class resistance and the roll-back of the Welfare State and all other partial
gains of the working class that went with this defeat was exported to East
Europe (remember how Thatcher was feted and cheered in Poland, despite the fact
that it was the so-called communist - Jaruzelski who had supplied Britain with
extra coal during the miners strike?). Despite the naďve yet joyful hopes of
the destroyers of the Berlin Wall, rapacious
de-statification of the Russian and East European economies by a rip-off, free
market gangsterism rushed over the ruined border. In this country, it meant the
State with it’s now gung-ho
economic neo-liberalism was viciously out to punish everybody (famously
described by the butcher Thatcher as “the
enemy within‘) who’d dared question it. Appropriate terms were used (“dinosaur” etc.) to describe those who didn’t embrace this new
shift in capital. Except that dinosaurs may prove to have more longevity if
there isn’t a social revolution, now that capital, for the sake of profit. is
quite prepared to set fire to and drown the planet both at the same time.
With the asset stripping destruction of a lot of factory-based
production, aided and abetted by financial concerns in a triumphalist City of
London, side by side with the tendency towards hollowed-out companies in
building, engineering and what have you and who no longer had many permanent
workers on their pay roll, many laid-off workers were FORCED (more or less) to
become self-employed; to acquire the services of an accountant, to buy their own
fixed capital (trucks, small workshop and what have you). Well, it was either
that or welfare and the prospect of constant harassment and punishment disguised
as ridiculous pseudo-job training or slightly more lenient forms of workfare
than experienced in America. It was basically Hobson‘s
Choice. This mini-mass of intentionally pseudo-individualised people became
a veritable army of “reluctant
entrepeneurs” as we began to call them. It marked the petit-bourgeoisification
of the proletariat. Or so it seemed……………………………………..
It equally marked the proletarianisation of the petit
bourgeoisie.*
A lot of those who were forced into this position weren’t that enamoured of it
from the word go and actually quite fearful of the step. They had reason to be.
They often had to work a lot harder, were “on
call” with a mobile ringing day and night, worried into sleeplessness over
insurance liabilities and costs if anything happened which previously their
employers would have assumed responsibility for. Weekends spent on learning and
doing maintenance to your machinery because you didn’t want to spend the cash
on getting it serviced by a company or by another worker like yourself etc.
Then, no sick pay, no holiday pay and no perks like staying at a hotel when
engaged in “out” work - expenses
which you once could have fiddled. Though you’d get more money (and often, over
short periods, a lot more) if things went well, at other times you were up
shit creek without a paddle and with debts mounting up. on the brink of a
nervous breakdown. At best, the lack of any real life you might have once hoped
for has become sublimated – for example, in endless package holidays and the
aestheticisation of domesticity. Everywhere people are imploding into obsessions
with gardening, cooking, interior decorating, computers, a kind of valorisation
of an introverted narrow life and not much compensation for the overwhelming
sense of absence.
We have an engineering friend who was employed by an
American multinational. The company with one hand gave him the sack and with
the other offered him bits ‘n’ bobs of their own, long term, contract work.
It suited them particularly as regards reduced insurance liability if anything
happened subsequently (e.g. machinery breaking down after servicing etc.). For
them, it probably meant a little more for shareholder dividends in terms of a
hike in the profit margins. Our good and decent friend had always gone on about “the
workers” in a somewhat hilarious demagogic way - bashing his fist on pub
tables when a bit drunk etc., so, as a joke, we’d wind him up, saying,“…businessman
now, eh?”. He’d go ape-shit, bashing his fist down even harder on the
table retorting, “I’m still a fucking
worker!”
Another instance, and probably more to the point: in the 1980s we once
worked on a building site in London where a fair proportion of the guys were
hill farmers from Wales. They were good at their trades, having learnt them
mostly out of necessity in everyday maintenance of their small holdings. Things
like carpentry, roofing and bricklaying. Inevitably, we got talking as you do
during moments, lunch and tea breaks, etc.. A fair amount of the conversation
was about their farms, the long hours, starting before daybreak and finishing
well after dark - often working during the night - for very little hard cash. In
the end they said they liked the outdoor life and the hills but if they didn’t
periodically work on the buildings in London over winter, they just wouldn’t
survive. Their wives and sons looked after their spreads while they were away.
They chatted away openly and pleasantly and weren’t at all uptight. Well,
apart from the foreman but then that’s a foreman for you. The subcontractor
was also a hill farmer but somewhat better off than the others and though he was
making money out of all of us, there was a point of overlapping friendliness
between him and the others from the hills. In fact you got the impression the
subby was a wily guy who was creaming it and
he’d go bright red with pleasure-cum-guilt if he’d particularly done a nice
fleecing job on you ~ rather like he did, but more mechanically, shearing his
sheep back home. He even told all of us that if we got the job finished on time
we’d all get long free visits to a prostitute. Somehow, like the rest of his
fancy incentives, we’d all gawp at it as it never materialised! We’d have
been too embarrassed anyway. A few years later and suddenly we saw some of these
hill farmers on TV. The sub-contractor, chameleon-like, had turned rebel-leader
for the moment and had organised a protest against a visiting Tory Minister of
Agriculture and had been accused of splattering him with eggs.
In the blockades there was something of all of this in the mix of people
involved but with the addition that some were rich reasonably-sized business
people, though the really big trucker firms like the Eddie Stobarts’, it
seemed, didn’t get involved. It was a liquorice allsorts, a rag tag army, a
Pandora’s box of expectation defying accurate description. True, some had been
strike-breaking truckers as the TUC said.itself hiding behind its own, far
worse, brutal strike-breaking history and intent. Equally, some had been
involved in “The Winter of Discontent”
and some, with the closure of the pits, were ex-miners, heirs of that great
aborted insurrection. And it’s probably because it was such a mix with an
undefined, though clearly palpable,.“worker”
element that truckers on the outside were able to make friendly and instant
contact with tanker drivers on the inside of the depot - many of whom also
weren’t employed directly by the oil companies either! Much ideologically was
made at the time (in the TV and press) that the drivers “trapped” inside the refineries were union and those on the
outside were non-union trying to create a calculated separation which just
couldn’t hold water. Thus T&G representatives were shown hard at work
persuading drivers to get the oil supplies moving to the garage forecourts
spurred on by T&G boss Bill Morris at the annual TUC conference venomously
condemning the protestors mouthing on about “anarchy
cannot rule” etc. *
For a brief moment something else started to unfold. Possibly, some
T&G aide or subscriptions officer tapped Bill Morris on the shoulder and
said something like: “Hey man, cool it, some of these truckers in the blockades are union
members. Remember, they use our legal services because the New Labour government
abolished legal aid for salaried people plus other basic shit. I mean hell, you
wanted to modernise the TU movement and now we‘ye got no choice but to go a
long with that. ~ and incidentally, we don‘t want to lose any more members just when membership is on an upturn
because where‘d our secure salaries be if we fucked our members out. I mean, hell, we ‘re not fat cats but shit
it would he nice to he one “.
Sure, they would not have talked “American”
like this but this is the American executive style they would like to
imitate having nothing in common with the workaday world of the American worker.
Suddenly their bad mouthing, along with more enlightened members of the Labour
Government, became more subdued e.g. Minister of Transport, ex-Trot, Gus (“Lord’)
MacDonald and some of these protestors acquired first names, to give them a
more accesible image
.
Though this was the first international strike across Europe, it was also
a revolt by a threatened farming community against globalisation in agriculture.
Farming now has moved on from simple agri-business to vast ranching administered
by agronomists, seed and fertilizer specialists with close links to powerful
bio-tech multinationals like Monsanto and owned by huge financial bodies mainly
ensconced in the City of London and Wall Street. Make no mistake about it these
ranches are well in the wings in these islands. These vast ranches world wide
will inevitably compete with each other and one thing is for certain, it’s the
final curtain-call for the folkloric frontier farmer of Hollywood mythology. For
many ecos, though, peasants in India burning GM conditioned rape seed are OK but
small farmers from the south west of England using the issue of fuel on which to
hang their many grievances are merely reactionary little Englanders or some
other charming description.
Despite the “Little Englander” caricature, this movement was clearly
international, with international significance. Inspired firstly by the success
of the French fishermen and then the French lorry drivers, it then went on to
inspire lorry drivers and others in Poland, Hungary, Israel, Peru and Australia,
not to mention several West European countries. It was also international in
other respects. For instance, the situation of the tanker drivers inside the
Stanlow oil refinery should be seen within a global perspective. In comparison
to the truck drivers strike of 20 years ago during the Winter of Discontent, it
was relatively local. Yet the contradiction became
apparent at Stanlow when it
was “discovered”
that the company responsible in the last resort for getting the oil
out was based….in Milan! The system of sub-contracting was such that it seems
it came as a surprise to most drivers. It also made a mockery of the laws
against sympathy strikes in the sense of workers belonging to a company taking
sympathy action in solidarity with workers belonging to a related company. The
pattern of ownership has become so bewilderingly opaque that what counted for
more than belonging to a particular trade or branch of industry, financial
concern etc was the sheer sense of frustration, lack of accountability and
alienation and torrent of incomprehension and meaninglessness that threatened
finally to overwhelm and transcend the sectional, confused and contradictory
nature of the original dispute to really drive it to inspirational heights.
Perhaps the most inspiring aspect of the blockade (on the streets though,
people actually referred to it as a “strike”) were the growing permanent roadside meetings and encampments which
developed around the refineries. Although assembly is perhaps too strong a term,
they nevertheless daily grew in number in many parts of the country as people
joined them from all walks of life. People who were simply fed up to their back
teeth and wanted to see something happen.
This was especially
true of Stanlow, south of Liverpool in Cheshire, and Grangemouth on the west
coast of Scotland. It was at first a trickle of people which got bigger daily
and could possibly have become a flood if the blockade hadn’t been called off
so quickly. Families turned up (the kids enjoyed larking about), taxi drivers,
builders, women kiosk caterers, unemployed people, the odd toff and business
person as well as those welcome but nutty eccentrics you always get on such
occasions. Most importantly - once at the roadside assemblies - no matter what -
anybody who was there, regardless of status, job or gender - was given the right
to vote on immediate practical proposals like should tankers be let out for
essential deliveries to such and such a place, should we contact so and so,
should we ask for blankets, should we stay, should we ignore police directives
etc? A magician at Stanlow, between
odd bouts of entertaining the assembly with his tricks, was also occasionally
putting up three to five hands when voting.
In many ways this was the most remarkable aspect of the
strike-cum-blockade. This type of ultra-egalitarian, direct democracy hadn’t
taken place in these islands for a long, long time and probably before trade
unionism existed in what can loosely be called “an
industrial dispute”. Perhaps
the last time was in the late 18th century? Who the hell knows? And does it
matter? Although, during “The Winter of
Discontent” there were lorry driver blockades, if you weren’t a
transport union member you wouldn’t have been allowed to vote in the ad hoc
roadside meetings. Thus, the city of Hull in East Yorkshire in the winter of
’79 - ’80 was effectively blockaded by striking lorry drivers who decided
themselves what provisions/services etc could or couldn’t enter the city. It
was terrific. It was memorable. But would these truckers have allowed anybody to
turn up and have a say in their decision-making if they didn’t have a T&G
union card? Even though this was rank ‘n’ file unionism at its best,
potentially pointing to the transcendence of the union form, would these
drivers, in the inspirational cold of that snow-bound winter and which now seems
so long ago, have made such an imaginative though necessary leap?
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It was precisely this ultra-open, assembly form*
that looked as though it was beginning to get out of hand — and very
quickly. And there’s the rub. There
was nonetheless a contradiction between the hauliers/farmers and the
meeting itself: finally hauliers and farmers, because they had rightly
acquired such prestige through an authority based on audacity, were able
to call off the protest and without a great deal of fuss. Their
authority was beginning to hamper the flow of that drift they had
themselves set in motion. Basically, they’d got scared of their own
power and recoiled before their strength. Possibly they saw how small in
number they were — 2 to 3 thousand actual truckers and farmers at most
— yet their success had begun to throw up in days a situation of dual
power which was hovering dimly on the horizon. Who wouldn’t be scared
by such responsibility? They would have had to go beyond their de
facto vanguard position and connect directly
with other workers in order to inspire some practical activity from
the vast majority of people who, up till then, were merely passively
supporting them. They perhaps could feel these meetings/assemblies,
particularly the big ones, were beginning to take on a rhythm of their
own: the hotheads (from where ~ who knows and who cares?)
were
beginning
to let
fly with their tongues. One of the official organisers said
on the telly that they’d called off the blockades because they
were scared that people were getting angrier. Probably they wanted to
achieve a role as negotiators by showing the authorities that they had
the power to turn the people in the forecourts on and off like a tap.
They capitulated and how! At one stroke they exposed their own naivity
and lack of experience using all the old, time-honoured, foolish
arguments about moral high grounds, good will via
a placebo “breathing
space’ of 60 days etc. They snatched defeat from the jaws of
victory. Even the most wooden of trade union strike proceedings
wouldn’t have left it like that. No agreement, no piece of paper with
some signature, no nothing! It’s the one thing you can’t do when
faced with the bloodthirsty UK state especially when it concerns
outright protest and direct action from below. The Dracula State here
with its fangs still dripping with the life blood of miners, printers,
seafarers, dockers, urban rioters and anybody else who simply wanted to
be really different and authentic, simply isn’t going to recognise
goodwill. All it recognises and suppers on is WEAKNESS.
Interregnums merely give it time to go in for the kill. Many an old
lag from the old battles shook their head in disbelief. Hadn’t some of
the protesters said during the blockade that they now realised something
of what the miners had been through in ‘84/’85 and from unlikely
quarters such as Essex truckers? Sure enough, apart from a few soothing,
mealy-mouthed words, the only thing the State is actively doing is
making certain, with the assistance of the Confederation of British
Industry, Police Chiefs, the Media and the TUC, is that no such event
must ever take place again, even if it means destroying the livelihood
of every rebel trucker and small farmer. And if there’s a repeat of
the blockades they’ll do that through the way they know: fines,
expropriations and debts rather than jail and martyrdom. That’s the
modern way: the way of money. The 60 day truce gave the authorities
plenty of time to get themselves into gear, both in terms of law and
order and in terms of crapaganda. Whilst in September the ruling world
were divided - basically between the Left and Right wings of capital –
after 60 days they were much more united. Why? Because they know that
any concession to direct democracy undermines bourgeois democracy, any
concession to one section of the poor would incite opposition in all
sections. A Thatcherite journalist on The Times put the predicament
of the ruling class most clearly: ‘This
crisis could be a truly historic event. This could be the moment
when Britain forgets all the hard lessons it learnt under Margaret
Thatcher about economic realism, market incentives and social rigour and
drifts back into the.delusion and self-indulgence of the 1960s and
1970s. This could be the moment when the British public |
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decides...that
they can casually ignore the laws of economics...that the
self-discipline created by the economic insecurity of the 1980s can
finally be thrown away like an unfashionable frock... After the Second
World War the Western world enjoyed more than two decades of full
employment before the lessons of the 1930s were forgotten in the
breakdown of social discipline that began in 1968. Is Britain about to
forget the lessons of the 1980s before full employment has even been
restored?” (14/9/00). At the time one felt that
the small farmers and small hauliers recoiled before the enormity of
what had been unleashed — a hunch that was subsequently confirmed by
Channel 4 TV. At the last moment it foundered through fear of its own
potential and the promiěĄÁY
ż
blockaders as “petit-bourgeois Tories”. Such a traditional Old Labour-type image of “fine decent upstanding people” somehow clashed with the Tory definition of “fine decent upstanding people”. However, the original Jarrow march was an expression of appalling weakness - 10 years after the defeat of the General Strike, as much at the combined hands of the T.U.C and the Tory Party as the November parade was (in ‘26 the TUC initially supported the strike in order to rein it in and undermine it; today, with a Labour government, the Tories have swapped roles with the TUC). The would-be workers of Jarrow marched partly because they ate better and had a more cheerful time on the march than stuck in an 80% unemployed town with the modern equivalent of Ł27 a week. Despite much support, the Prime Minister at the time – Stanley Baldwin - dismissed them out of hand and refused to meet them, surprise surprise. In 1981 the TUC tried to imitate this with their People’s March For Jobs. This time, of course, there was much media coverage: cameras were waiting to record the moment the march passed through the village of Lavendon in Bucks, sight of the most well-known photo of the Jarrow march. In ‘81 no-one complained of the sacreligious nature of the show or of the fact that the kids of the ‘81 unemployed weren’t running about barefoot, though today Old Labourites are all jumping up and down with their mock outrage. In ‘81 four weeks after the TUC’s boring march of those willing to be hierarchically organised, the self-organised unemployed (and many employed also) resorted to rioting in the streets, with over 30 cities erupting against the cops and the Economy. During those 10 days that shook the State, Thatcher herself admitted to hardly sleeping a wink as she tossed (but refused to turn) around ideas on the maintenance of Britain’s brutal class society. From 1936 to 1981 to 2000, history repeats itself, first time as tragedy, second time as B-movie stunt, third time history virtually got arrested before it even got onto the motorway. The protesters, threatened with the loss of their livelihood and unable and unwilling to extend their protest didn’t even try to reclaim the streets on foot, but were forced to walk along the pavement by the cops.. Though it’s certainly not that lorries and cars are necessarily signs of wealth or lack of poverty, as shallow well-off Leftists would have us believe, they are commodities whose effect is to isolate and separate us. CB radios and mobiles apart, in November the drivers never got to really meet new people in this fizzled out parade. This possibility - the chance of breaking out of habitual contact networks, of taking over the alien territory of this society and making it ours, is the possibility thrown up by all social movements. But subverting the normal commodity use of lorries and cars means, at some point, getting out of your lorries and cars. Unfortunately the various leaders of the protests had their way, and boring self-defeating, and ultimately irrational, “reasonableness” took hold, despite the “nothing to lose” rhetoric ~ people clapped the demagogic phoney sympathisers, leaders held. |
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negotiations with politicians and talked to the TV
cameras - anything for the 15 minutes of fame this society dangles
carrot-Iike, all the better to beat you with
the stick of financial ruin One of those politely clapped was Mark
Francis of the Peoples Fuel Lobby, a mini-celebrity who’d already
appeared on Newsnight and Kilroy. On November 10th The
Guardian quoted him as saying,”Everybody has jumped up and down
and have said this fuel price has put us out of business – that’s
bullshit. The deep-rooted problem is over-population [in the British
haulage industry]. There are too many wagons on the road.”
Such a blatant desire to collaborate in the restructuring of the
haulage industry should have, at the very least, got him booed, but
perhaps few truckers read The
Guardian, hardly surprising considering how their pernicious
portrayal of the protesters as fascists
seems to have colonised the brains of people who should know better.
Gordon Brown has already started on this road to restructuration, in his
November budget, by upping the start-up licence for those entering the
haulage industry from Ł6000 to Ł20,000. When one then considers that
involvement in any go-slow or blockade could result in having your
licence withdrawn it doesn’t take much to see
how truckers’ minds may be concentrated. xxCountry & Western Capitalxx Sometime
after the calling off of
the September blockade, the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
‘Capability’ Brown*
went on TV to stress that British agriculture was undergoing a “restructuring”.
He avoided using the term crisis to play down the dramatic events
taking place down on the farm. The gradual withdrawal of subsidy in
terms of food price support has meant that the reform of CAP (Common
Agricultural Policy) has caused many small farmers to place their
worsening plight alongside the resistance of miners and steelworkers in
the early 1980s. Unfortunately, this seismic shift in consciousness in
parts of the countryside is hobbled by arcane political stereotypes
which persists in viewing the major divisions in society as summed up
and represented by the opposition between Labour and Tory party. A North
Wales beef and sheep farmer, Brian Perry expressed it in the following
way:“We weren‘t there
for the miners or the steelworkers. The farmers were Conservative and
the miners were Labour. We know how they felt” -The
Guardian, Oct 21st 2000. However neither the Labour Party nor
the Trades Unions were there for the miners during the mighty year-long
strike, just as in a similar manner, the NFU, the Road Hauliers
Association and the Tory Party weren’t there for this practically
spontaneous movement. (Demonstrating’ farmers
later complained in the pages of “Farming
Today” that this was not a harvest festival of resistance because
unlike the French protest they had not gathered in the corn prior to
taking to the streets). They were effectively disowned by all and sundry
official bodies - which actually could have given them a head start, but
the greatest weakness then became a lack of resolve and their own
creation of new media-pampered leaders.
There is much vague talk of an agricultural crisis but the pity
was the protesting farmers did not ever really clarify the situation
when they could have easily done so.
It seemed they wished to hang onto a comforting corporatism, far more
applicable to 30 years ago, of tractors, farmyards, cow
biers, pig pens, geese and the inevitable sheep dog. The reality is
vastly different and set to change even more rapidly - and hinted in
Brown’s favoured term “restructuring”,
which was also applied to the steel industry in the late 70s and
early 8Os and especially to the
mining industry.
Behind it in “the fields” (more
like prairies) lies merger after merger (the taking over of one farm
after another) by City institutions which lease the land to contract
farming companies which employ professional agronomists to run these new
corporate outfits. The City institutions are then the shareholder and
contract farming companies the decision makers who decide what to plant
or rear. All round there is a huge increase in contract working. This restructuring aims at the creation of unimaginable vast
farms, which will eventually come to dominate world agriculture and
which will be run by the City of London, Wall St and other major stock
exchanges. At this point in time globalised
farming is also
the stock exchange-isation of agriculture. Canny country
talk is no longer the witless comedy of “How
much a good yoke of bullocks at Stamford fair” as in
Shakespeare’s Henry IVth but
about the rising middle classes of India and China etc and growth in the
per capita consumption requiring an increase in grain and meat
production. That this agriculture of immense dimensions is closely
linked to the petro-chemical industry and bio-engineering companies
should surprise no one. Sadly, it is the small farmers that are doing
all the dirty work in the GM food trials. As food subsidies diminish
they are increasingly tempted by a bung from Montsanto etc to compensate
for the sharp reduction in the giro cheques from Brussels. But these are
just short-term bribes to pacify small farmers to what they face in the
slightly longer term. They will be surplus to (capitalist) requirements:
as a government spokesman said on a radio debate on 3rd
January 2001, “the vast majority
of them will be out of business”.
On account of the unpopularity of the CAP (e.g. the
Geldof/Thatcher pseudo-confrontation over the refusal to liberate the
food mountains for famine victims in East Africa ) the spin applied to
the reform of the CAP suggests the withdrawal of ALL subsidies.
Nothing could have been further from the truth. In fact, price support
has been replaced by area payments. One doesn’t have to be a
mathematical genius to realise that a “farm” going on for the size of a small county will get
more than those glorified meadows and a bit more such as dot the
Pennines, Mendips and the Welsh mountains. In 1994
(please note, not 1999/2000) it is thought a dozen farmers (i.e.
management boards ) banked cheques worth Ł1 million while it was
rumoured four received more than Ł5
million each. In the bad old days of CAP at least the food surplus
and waste were there for all to see and bemoan. This is far more
sinister and occult and more akin to the unseen millions beamed around
the world everyday through cyberspace. The
blockade was a lost opportunity for the farmers themselves to clear up
the confusion clinging to the term crises and to lay bare the actual
class relations in the countryside. Had they done so, perhaps along the
lines indicated above, their impact would have been greater. To the
sheer elemental force of the movement (which is so typical
of this country (e.g. the
miners strike, the Winter of Discontent, the |
As the autumn floods drowned parts of the country, one of the more
nauseating aspects of the sad November protest was the sight of banner waving
eco-purists lining the route of the motorway, wagging their fingers as only the
Politically Correct English Middle Class can. Their moralism meant that they
could feel good about point blank refusing to talk to people, scurrying off to
the protection of their familiar clique whenever someone tried to discuss things
with them. No wonder they arrogantly and ignorantly assumed that those who
supported or took part in the fuel protests hadn’t realised the contradiction
of the environmental message. In fact the only message of Friends of the Earth
and of Greenpeace was “Here is
the Truth – bow down before it!”. Though it cheered us up that Greenpeace
got aquitted for digging up the GMOs last autumn, in the end it was all a bit of
free advertising for them,
rather than the action, which had already been done by loads of other groups of
people. The priestly messenger role
teaches only subtle variants of “We’ll do it for you” or “We’re the
One True Path – join us!”. Particularly as Monbiot, Melchett, Porritt and
Secrett (that well-known Law firm) were quick to emphasise “There is Good
Direct Action and Bad Direct Action. We are Good, RTS’s May Day and the fuel
protests are Bad”. The corny condemnations of violence and intimidation as
undemocratic means that they’re hoping one day to be very vicious democratic
Ministers of the Environment, when they can be really
intimidating and violent, all in the name of “Saving the planet”.
State “ecologists” (who pretend that capitalism, the market and the
State, could be environmentally-friendly) always condemn independent movements
because they undermine their would-be authority and they want to show how useful
they are for certain sections of capital. The
contradiction of State “ecologists”
was best expressed by the Green Party in France.
They’re well-known for condemning
Jospin for conceding victory to the fishermen there in their struggle for less
tax on their fuel, stating the standard eco-ideological line about the genuinely
devastating effect on the environment, yet for months they’d been
supporting Nuclear Power, despite having condemned it before they joined
the government. What a surprise! Does it really need repeating – the critique
of the sick joke of democracy, the
critique of our ‘right’ to decide between Tweedledum or Tweedlegreen
for a minute every 4 or 5 years, our predictable cynicism about the fact that,
when elected, they just go on doing what’s good for their class, regardless of
their meager promises? The French Greens support pollution by the powerful (the
nuclear power lobby), but not by the poor. For this reason, a 2000 strong demo
against a nuclear reactor in the North of France physically prevented rank and
file Green Party activists from joining the demo. If you join the State you
cannot be ecological.
People who
need to use vehicles, despite
recognising their miserable effects (and not just on the ozone layer), in order
to survive will hardly reduce their use because of higher indirect taxes on
fuel. This is a lie indirectly admitted by Blair & co. when they say that if
they reduce fuel tax there’ll be less money for the NHS and pensioners (this,
after having ruled out increased income and corporation taxes for the rich). But
if less of the so-called “Green” tax means more petrol will be bought, then
logic states that revenue should be constant. And if increased tax means less
car users then how can that help the NHS? But as always with arguments which
accept the contradictions of this society, logic has fuck-all to do with it. In
this case, high indirect taxes are just another way of making the poor pay for
the insane crisis capitalism has thrown the world into, the ideology being that
we are all responsible for this
disaster. And the option of lower indirect tax is presented as a threat to poor
pensioners. As always, the hidden logic behind this lack of logic is the need
for the ruling class to divide the poor against each other. No wonder Two-Jags
Prescott (whose petrol consumption is paid for by that strange beast, the
taxpayer) advocates the “Green” tax. Many of the hauliers’ spokesmen have
advocated higher tax for the top tax band, which kind of undermines the
caricaturisation of them as Tories and certainly puts them to the Left of the
government.
Rachael,
a woman truck driver involved in the blockades, put the tax question more
clearly: “[Dcl we have to pay high levels of vat on diesel and petrol in order
to have decent social services?.. .1 am now 60 years old. I drive a 41 tome
truck over 4000 kilometers a week, to Spain and Portugal and back as an employed
driver, for which I get between Ł300 & Ł350 a week clear paid into my bank
account. The fact that I face a future with an inadequate pension and am
terrified of becoming ill in case I have to rely on our NHS has nothing, repeat
nothing,.to do with not paying enough tax. If you concede the ground on which
you argue to Capitalists then there is indeed no hope of achieving a socialist
society. The enemy is Capitalism, not low taxation.”*
It’s significant that Blair only showed concern for pensioners after the fuel
blockades had started: in ‘98 a handful of pensioners successfully blockaded
the Humber Bridge for a few hours. Blair’s attempts to divide pensioners off
from blockaders is aimed at ensuring pensioners fail to recognise themselves in
the actions of the fuel protesters.
Scientists have admitted that globally a 60% reduction in C02 emissions is the minimum needed over the next 10 years, whilst the
various governments are humming and haahing over a 5% reduction. Predictably,
the government complained, in
November, about the loss to the economy of a billion quid, whilst global warming
cost well over that in two weeks of flooding last autumn alone. It’s
clear that whilst the need for a quick turnover of profit continues, the smooth
running of which is the function of the State, the State’s self-proclaimed
long-term project of clearing up the environment is just an abstract pretension
subverted by the irrational reality of a competitive market economy. At
‘best’, whilst the economy exists, an ecological State would need to be
world-wide and so totalitarian as to make previous forms of dictatorship seem
like a light slap on the wrist in comparison. Whilst the need for profit exists,
any infringement of a hierarchically organised ecological policy would need unprecedented
forms of surveillance and policing (particularly in those parts of the world
where people are forced, through poverty, to destroy parts of the land,
over-fish, etc., just in order to stay alive). The only real choice is to
abolish the profit motive and the need for moněĄÁY ż
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Didence brought upon by 10 years of hardly contested counter-revolution. But
they also gave us a glimpse of possibilities – the subversion of the economy
had its freshness and egalitarianism, and expressed the spontaneity of new forms
and attitudes that need to re-emerge from an informed reflection on the reasons
for the eclipse of the old movements.
This text was
produced care of:
B.M.Combustion,
London, WC1N 3XX,
December 2000
We produced the following leaflet for the November 14th demo:
FUEL
FOR
THOUGHT
One of the best results of the fuel blockades was
the fact that one began to talk to virtual strangers about what was going on ~ an experience not known since Poll Tax. And you
began to talk about everything that mattered — poverty,
the environment, the futureless society we live in, the sense of defeat over the
years, the miners strike, the Winter of Discontent, sex ( well,
not the latter but next time maybe). Suddenly a breath of fresh air: at long
last, the rulers’ smug smirks wiped off their smarmy faces; after a decade of
virtually unopposed intensified State/market misery, a decade that seemed like a
century, something that gave us some sense of life and hope. And it was a breath
of fresh air quite literally: the streets of Manchester eerily empty apart from
buses. London like a permanent Sunday. If this was an anti-eco protest, as some
would have it, it wasn’t turning out like that.
This
is a pedestrian leaflet in that
we’re part of that large body of people who broadly supported the protest and
always, it seems, waiting at bus stops! We know very little about farmers and
truckers apart from occasional pub conversations. Obviously the protagonists are
understandably war of this “outsider invasion,
suspicious of hidden agendas. Maybe you see us as outside agitators but really
we’re agitated outsiders, like 99% of those who gave their support. In a life
divided between insiders and outsiders, everything now really is INSIDE OUT!
At the same time as thoroughly enjoying the protest
from a distance we felt there were contradictory aspects to it. It seems about
20% of those on the blockades were “rich” bosses and that wasn’t confronted. We fully realise
that the rest were technically small-business people and self-employed forced by
changing economic circumstances to often become “reluctant
entrepeneurs”, usually debt-driven, worried sick about bank overdrafts etc
and many of them not exploiting others’ labour. It’s complex and dismissing
the struggle as “petit bourgeois” etc.
is just simplistic, dogmatic, intellectual purism, far more arrogantly and
safely conservative than the blockaders.
Certainly
we loved the short-lived forums that gathered spontaneously around the oil
refineries. We liked the general lack of placards and we liked the voting
procedures that unfolded at Grangemouth and Stanlow etc. No matter who or what
you were if you’d taken the trouble to turn up at the roadside you could vote.
But was this an open forum or merely a smart bit of public relations for the TV
merely ratifying things that didn’t really need ratifying? It seemed that more
and more people flocked to these forums daily getting ever bigger. We don’t
know if this was one of the reasons why the protest was suddenly called-off as
those people who’d unfortunately allowed themselves to become leaders got
panicked by what they’d set in motion, quickly arranging a behind the scenes
settlement with police and others? Things were certainly poised for a greater
take-off and practical involvement of a lot of others in their workplaces. It
was obvious that individual contact through mobiles etc would have had to be
made to hospital staff to ensure fuel supplies did go to the hospitals and not
to forecourts on the motorways and that district nurses and health visitors
could have a full tank in their cars. The prospect of a rudimentary dual power
was dimly shaping up and it would have been far better... GULP! …to take such a giant step than capitulate before your own
might. Moreover, it would have challenged the media/government spin that
truckers and small farmers were destroying the health service.
Instead
defeat was snatched from the jaws of victory. The protestors backed off
declaring a 60 day moratorium without securing one simple guarantee about
anything. Dead duck arguments — the moral high ground — public
opinion - etc were deployed. The State doesn’t give a toss about
such phrases and “public opinion” is
a media/ad man’s invention which didn’t exist 100 years ago. Public opinion
was behind 300,000 miners and their supporters who marched in London in 1992
over pit closures. Even Tories like Churchill were on their side. It made flick
all difference. Then there was a so-called moratorium but it was merely a ruse
as the closure programme carried on dictatorially anyway.
We
realise that the priice of fuel was a pretext for many small farmers and
truckers, having been pushed to the outside margins on the brink of collapse.
Small farmers are now being eliminated as ranches the size of small counties
owned by City of London financiers, administered by agronomists in league with
giant bio-tech companies. are now well on the drawing board. Basically, together
with often smaller hauliers, they’re fighting against obsolescence (“Capability”
Brown’s “restructuring”) and are the latest trade in the firing line
after steel workers, miners and printers. These more traditionally recognised
sections of ‘the working class” did help each other somewhat and the farmers
didn’t etc. Well all that’s true but it’s of no help now (and in the light of changing social conditions we need to redefine what
is” the working class”). Ferocious
laws were put in place to stop the working class cutting up untidy but remember
it was the unions who first of all stopped this getting together before the
State enshrined this in law. So the nasty attack launched against the protestors
in September 2000 by the T&GWU who’d already helped flick over the
Liverpool dockers over 3 years ago, shouldn’t have surprised anybody. It was
merely the most blatant in a long line of such attacks. Mind you some of these
newly emerged leaders seem to be acting like TU bureaucrats already.
If this wasn’t bad enough the liberal press in
particular went in for an horrendous rubbishing on other fronts, epitomised most
clearly by Steve Bell, The Guardians pet
cartoonist. They made out the protestors as fat, ugly, right wing, flag-waving,
fascist svmpathising thickos. who couldn’t care less about the NHS, pensioners
or the environment. The latter has been used especially effectively. For some of
the press and TV it’s mainly the protestors who are responsible for the
horrors of global warming. And, lo and behold, it’s like as though God and Noah went to their
immediate assistance: THE RAIN AND BIG FLOOD FOLLOWED. Yea,
the State is divine! What a
spectacular PROPAGANDA coup. True,
there is a vast and frightening ecological catastrophe unfolding but this is the
outcome of a capitalist mode of production entering a suicide phase prepared to
destroy every living thing. Hypocritically attacking the protestors lets the
major accomplices of the State and the huge transnationals off the hook. All
those summits like Kyoto, supposedly convened to cut greenhouse gases, are
meaningless. ineffectual, politically correct, theatrical exercises as they, the
biggest culprits. remorselessly pursue global devastation for a quick buck.
But isn’t it the old, old story in a new guise?
Isn’t it always those at the bottom of flue pile who get the blame for all the
shit and far deeper in it’? Of course people at the sharp end are going to be
uptight about the price of fuel when they don’t have much dosh to play with
but that doesn’t mean you’re not worried about the on-going ecological
nightmare. It’s just that you feel so impotent to do anything about anything
until finally there’s something that causes you to snap inside. You’ve got
to start somewhere but always remember the
State will deploy any argument, no
matter how low, because they don’t want to see any social movement.
Remember that eco arguments were deployed after the
event in the 90s pit closures. Having defeated the miners in their year long
strike in 1984/5, the UK State went to destroy them completely as a warning to
others: Don’t ever dare challenge established authority ever again! Only later
was it suggested that the industry was a big polluter. Even the leftist New
Statesman endorsed this bullshit without underlining the real reason for the
pit closures.
Stereotyping the fuel protestors as anti-ceo is
great stuff coming from a State deploying fast cars, government chartered jets
and what have you. Then there’s “Two
Jags” Prescott. All these services for immediate consumption and all on
freebies. (The hypocrisy is inevitable for those in hierarchical positions: “Do
as I say not as I do”. “Moreover,
where is this governments green tax going to’? Public transport hasn’t
improved. There’s been no fare reductions nor increased services. In fact with
ongoing privatisation for the benefit of shareholders and fat cats, things have
got worse for all us alley cats.
The problem with all social movements is to break
out of the particular and make connections. In the mid-90s, Reclaim
the Street and the Liverpool Dockers came together and engaged in direct
action against the dock bosses. How about a street party of fuel protestors and
commuters who suffer the daily stress of expensive and miserable transport? How
about blockading a main line station and holding an open forum there? How about (enter your own
dream action in the space provided: Our wildest dreams
are their greatest nightmares and their delirious dreams are our greatest
nightmares.
We’d like to say more — and we will later. That’s all for now
folks! ~
Adge
Cutler and the Wurzels (Just 4 people. November 12th. 2000).
(If interested contact: do: BM Combustion. London, WC lN 3XX. who has kindly let us use his box
number).
APPENDIX
2
xxSometimes it’s hard to be a Womanxx
This was received from Neil
Gordon<practicalhistory@hotmail.com,
20/9.2000
Conditions are
so bad in our industry that there are blokes (and women) driving night and day,
24 hours a day, it’s not all that unusual for blokes to run back from Southern
Spain without sleep, a friend does Lancashire-Brindisi and back with only the
sleep he can snatch whilst waiting fcr the ferry or beěĄÁY
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Dokes who I will possibly never see again, the point is to turn this into trades
union solidarity and to do this we need insults and negative opinions like we
need a hole in the head.
I have to get up in the early hours of the morning and there is a whole
lot more I want to say but I will leave it, I could add that I don’t want to
be personal but this wouldn’t be true. That Volve42O I drive is all there is
between me and having to “live” on an OAP, it’s my life, these issues are
that important to me and I will fight with the blokes (and women) I work with,
you can see some of our opinions if you go into:
»http:
//ladytruckersclub.tripod.com/LTC_Bulletin/page1.htm .And look round the site.
In socialism and in Solidarity with my Sisters and
Brothers ,
Rachael
Webb.
*At times, maybe, we have over-reacted to the simplistic dismissal of the petit-bourgeoisie by those whose ideas have frozen into a petrified superior stance (some of whom seem to have taken Marx and Engels’ ridiculous political rivalry with the so-called ‘petit-bourgeois’ anarchists of the 1st International as their model). However, we need to rescue what is true in this one-sided critique. Traditionally, the petit-bourgeoisie are all over the place, at one time siding with the ruling class, at other periods – especially in those periods of intense class combat with the dominant forces – siding with the working class. During the miners strike there were several small shopkeepers who ran up huge debts allowing miners to have goods on tick, and we even met a small businessman whose business collapsed because of the donations he gave to the strikers. We even met a shopkeeper who supported the riots of 1981, though he seemed a little embarrassed about it. This was quite an admission considering the fact that much of the rioting involved looting not just of supermarkets, but also of small shops. .Nevertheless, very very few of these small businessmen contributed practically to these.movements (though this could be said of most of the traditional working class as well ) and those we’ve just mentioned who did support them represent a tiny minority of small business people, the overwhelming majority of whom supported the State. The classic petit-bourgeois mentality – the money-mad ideology that cannot see beyond narrow self-interest, and mediates every relation with the attitude, “How much, economically, can I get out of this?” - is probably the dominant ideology globally, though the richer the country the more it’s capable of providing a realistic vision of escape from poverty. The mentality is full of admiration for those who have made it, and contempt for the “losers”, and intersperses every conversation with references to how much money they’ve made, the value of their property, showing off their financial success, usually exaggerating it and never, even when they’ve not had much success, referring to the underlying misery which this talk of ‘success’ hopes to hide. Of course, few people consistently conform to this model, just as virtually nobody avoids some aspect of this mentality some of the time. In an increasingly insecure world and with a seemingly decreasingly possible exit from this world in the form of a revolutionary movement, the desire to ‘settle down’ into conservative comfort, which is part of this mentality, increasingly colonises people’s hopes the more disorganised and uncomfortable people’s lives become.
* Some anarchists – the Anarchist
Federation, producers of that hot-bed of subversion, Organise!, wrote to that equal hot-bed of subversion, The
Observer, giving a little boost to this line of nonsense, crudely
distancing themselves from the ugly truckers, thereby upholding the fine
history of true anarchism (not). Obviously these anarchists would object to
the paid-up bureaucratic role of Bill Morris and the TUC, but in both
viewing the protests as reactionary there wasn’t much difference between them. Despite a
supposed critique of anti-fascism, they end up with aspect of the same
facile anti-fascist ideology as The Guardian. When will these starvelings arise from their
slumbers? Sure, we’re maybe
being a little petty in our dismissal of their magazine ‘Organise!’, because, virtually alone amongst the anarchist press,
it does generally attempt analyses which tend to be less ideological than the rest of
the bunch. However, the articles are usually pretty stodgy turgid stuff,
mainly because there’s an imposition of an organisational line that rules
out most subjective individual experience & feelings and eradicates
idiosyncratic prose, perhaps because they want to appear ‘objective’.
Those who emphasise organising the organisation, as opposed to organising
precise activity, inevitably create a party line that colonises the point of
view of the individuals involved.